The 54 states of Africa most whom are ruled by dictators and murderers

http://sophiasewell-njie.blogspot.com/p/53-nation-states-of-africa-union.html

In this I included the world's bewest state of Sudan South

Dr. Amadou Janneh and co maybe prisoners of conscience! BUT ARE WE READY FOR MORE Dr. Jannehs ? Don’t think so!

By Bamba Mass Human Right and Political Activist (UK)


Patriotic Gambians, as events unfold in our country the Gambia, I belief time has come when Gambians should take a proper and clear good look at themselves. It is becoming evident that Gambians ourselves are the problems and thus the continuous mistreatment of Gambians by Yahya Jammeh and his Very Important Criminals (VICs), would take even longer to curtail because of some self centred individuals who are based abroad and at home. These uncouples individuals abroad, evidently intend never to settle again in the Gambia and probably to be buried abroad. They are unfortunately born in the Gambia thus parading themselves as one. Some left that country even before some of us were born and have not gone back since, while others only travelled once or twice to that Gambia. I am sure even in any change of government, those same evils would try find an excuse so as to serve craft for discord for their selfish ends. They cannot ever imagine thinking of going back to their people and share their expertise with them. But anytime an issue concerning the Gambia comes, they would want to champion it up by continuing poking their running noses into everything genuine Gambians strive towards. The strive for the restoration of democracy in that tiny west African nation would only gain cement strength when patriotic Gambians realise who these people and their engines back home are. They would continue to stay watchmen and gardeners of their selfishness just to be called SEMESTERS.

While Dr. Janneh and colleagues continue to suffer at the hands of the dictator, Gambians in the Diaspora each talking amongst themselves. I am even more surprised that citizens of his own native village Gunjur who are here none of them dared call up freedom to challenge the dictator openly.. No one would speak instead Diaspora Gambians would continue castigating one another thus playing into the hands of the dictator. These are all the handiwork of few and am sure when the race become tougher, they would take a back seat and push most of us forward. Where were they when armed bandits from Yahya Jammeh’s green boys attacked UDP convoy at Chamoi bridge in Basse? Where were they when the same events took place with armed Bandits from the same green boys attacking UDP convoy at the Denton bridge causing lost of lives? How about the Talinding killings?

These are people would selectively choose what to condemn about the Gambia while some they condone the reason are simple so as to confuse us.

They don’t care for they are European and American citizens and their governments would stand up for them in any events of problems. Do we Gambians claiming protections from their governments in Europe and America have such protections from our own government? NO and despite we would have appreciated it if they stand in solidarity with our plight rather than pose as Gambians thus championing our cause while we capably can do it ourselves with their support but they want it the other way round.

Gambians who genuinely claimed asylum for fears like the one befalling Dr Janneh and co today of cause did so based on realities on the ground for we all knew once you are arrested in the Gambia not only you suffer alone your family suffers as well travelling from one police station to the other bribing ASP so and pleading with Superintendent so and so. Even the stigmas surrounding arrests in the Gambia are tortures on its own. The humiliation that tyrant subject most accused through are immense.

Gambia’s enemy number one may be Yahya Jammeh but there are also others who play Jammeh’s games for him by spreading false accusation against fellow oppositions of the dictator so as to encourage confusions amongst us with each out of the confusion blaming the lark of genuine change on innocent democratic minded individuals. Some of these enemies are known while others parade themselves both inside the Gambia and abroad as the only true messiahs capable to save the Gambia and without them no one else can. They write and talk but Gambians should know they are sick inside for Gambia is greater than any individual. The division amongst Gambians are caused by so many factor but the chief of them are those cancers amongst us parading as champions of so and so. Yet they would love Yahya Jammeh to continue ruling and killing Gambians rather than someone else take over other than them or their chosen ones.

God would expose them soon. True Gambians would rather have anyone rule the Gambia be it Ousainou Darboe, Halifa Sallah, Hamat Bah Omar. A. Jallow or even Fatoumata Jahumpa or Miriam Jammeh (Yahya’s Daughter) for we are fed up with the tyrant and want Yahya Jammeh to go and We belief any opposition be it politician, Civil / Human Rights or otherwise group should think exactly that line for any Gambia is better at the helms than Yahya Jammeh even his son or daughter. Gambia is better off without Yahya Jammeh and we all knew this. Why would we continue to castigate each other just because of grudges we bore against each other centuries ago? Some oppositions, politician, civil rights ect are so callous and self centred even to an extend that they hate us to be free so long as Gambians did to bow to them for their efforts. Some are even coated by some international bodies as telling such groups that it is better to have Yahya Jammeh stay in power rather than have Mr so and so take over.

Can anyone genuinely with conscience think it is better to have Yahya Jammeh than have another Gambian? It sickens me to imagine men supposed to be our pillars preferring the Devil to their brother in the struggle. I belief they are the true agents of Yahya Jammeh while in the outside they parade themselves as our saviours yet behind shadows they receive his blessings. Yes only if we let them lead us otherwise they would continue to show seeds of discords within our midst. Yahya Jammeh must be enjoying himself.

Gambians have been watching with mouths wide open as Yahya Jammeh takes one farm land from people to the other all in the name of president’s farms. These farms Yahya never steps his foot on and most of the crops are grown by people in force labour and the crops taken to Kanilai. Food sufficiency in the Gambia is when the stores in Kanilai are filled to the brim. No wonder commodities there are cheaper than anywhere in the Gambia even inside the capital city Banjul. I used to remember when we were children, people from Kanilai used to come all the way to Sangajor to buy cheap food. Now even Bwiam, Kalagie or Sibanor who are bigger towns than Kanilai, are all answerable to smaller Kanilai today. Would anyone imagine Yahya Jammeh would disregard our constitution and do as he wish when he first came in 1994? Very few but now we are all witnesses to his turning Kanilai into the stomach of the Gambia. Cabinet meetings Kanilai, Cultural activities Kanilai, a village turned into what only God knows. Some people even claimed Yahya Jammeh’s Father was the marabout in Kanilai who fixes broken hands. I challenge anyone who would tell me that man was Yahya Jammeh’s father. That time Yahya’s dad was at Mayok not fixing hands. This radio kan kang of Gambians is indeed laughable.

Today inside the Gambia who is standing up for Mr Janneh and co? Why where there no calls for demonstrations by opposition groups within? Was Mr. Janneh and co not fighting for our cause facing the dictator and his VICs headlong?

But only Gambians in the Diaspora do the cry asking for Dr. Janneh and co’s release that’s all we can do but lets ask ourselves had it been we were united regardless of political, social interests, would some of these things have happened? NO. Anytime Yahya touches even a crocodile in the Gambia we scream, he would know he had succeeded in the dividing the opposition parties but failed to divide Gambians abroad.

We could have averted even the unlawful arrests of nine journalists, Mr. Femi Peters of UDP, or even that of Dr. Janneh and co. Gambians in the Diaspora need to realise what is at stake even when we differ politically for we all share the Gambia and she rely on our shoulders to salvage her therefore the need to come together as one is over due. Let us not allow ourselves to be fooled Gambia cries out to us and it is our responsibility to safe her. No Western Power would do that for us and we knew this therefore time has come.

What is wrong with printing a T-Shirt calling for democracy and end to dictatorship? When has that become a treasonable offence? Has Yahya Jammeh himself not said on national television that he is a dictator of development ? If Dr. Janneh and co felt he should not be a dictator of development but rather an encourager of development, what is treasonable about that? But it is the Gambia isn’t it?

No wonder people’s family members would be too scared and restless when a member of their family ever mentioned Yahya Jammeh’s name and the reason is simple they know once you get arrested, they the family members suffer. Some Gambians would sympathise with you but cannot show up least they are accused with you while some would want you dead for simply trying to cause trouble. You would be left alone in that wide Gambia for everyone is left scared due to the fact no one would be outside the police gate looking for you apart from your close family members and lawyers.

Yahya Jammeh knows that Gambians are known for their enviousness of each other and he can always get his way around and rule for as long as he lives. Some of our educated group are even more stupid, selfish and enemies of democracy today that they would continue to praise sing for Yahya Jammeh and glamour for disunity because it would always suit them well.

Gambians in the Diaspora are even worse that is evident by our divided thousands of association claiming the same thing yet we cannot form any serious umbrella body that would compound all these associations. Every one wants recognisation and any small thing they jump high as champions while they cannot think of the other succeeding without coming through them.

Beautiful former smiling coast (Gambia) do not definitely deserve certain sons/ daughters. How can anyone think it is better to have Yahya Jammeh continue as dictator killer of Gambians than have one’s personal enemy who you only hated not because he/she is not capable but because he/she is more famous in the eye of others than you. Gambia today is heading from bad to worst with Yahya Jammeh as its head.

Gambians would come stronger as one family for we are all intermarried. Pre 1994 Jola, Fula, Manjak, Wollof and mandinka were each other’s brother in laws or father in laws and sisters like wise. These is even evident today as most Gambians speak one or two of these languages. Our common bond would be strengthened even further once we remove the cancer affecting our unity.

Long live the likes of Dr. Janneh and for his cause, we are all Coalition for Change in the Gambia (CCG)

Every Gambian should become a member of any organisation once Yahya Jammeh touches a member of that organisation so that we can confuse the devil and in solidarity we stand firm. FREE Dr. JANNEH & co without delay.

God save the Gambia!

Bamba Mass

Human Rights & Political Activist (UK)

THE WORST FINANCIER OF TERROR SHOULD BE CAPTURED SOON SO THAT HE WOULD TELL THE WORLD ABOUT YAHYA JAMMEH OF THE GAMBIA

By Bamba Mass Human Rights Activist (UK)
The Libyan leader Muammar Al-Gaddafi, the king of criminals of Africa, Commander of World Islamic People’s, President of the Sahel and Saharan Committee.Muammar al-Gaddafi has established himself as an enemy of world peace and of the peoples of Africa.
For 40 years Gaddafi had supported the butchery of Africans and financed dictators he groomed and maintained. Starting with his military support for Idi Amin of Uganda, Hussein Habre of Chad, Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, Blaise Campouare of Burkina fasso,Yaya Jammeh of the Gambia, Idris Deby of Chad, Laurent Kabila of former Zaire now DRC, Paul Kagame of Rwanda, Foday Sankoh and Charles Taylor, and many other revolutionist across the continent from Sudan, NRC of Kukoi in the Gambia, the LRA of Uganda and the names goes on and on. These militarist rebels who mostly trained in Libya were and still continued to be obstacles to peace. Gaddafi had used Libyan wealth to buy the leadership of the African Union (AU). He was made to understand that the unity of Africa was more profound than the meeting of leaders of states: I do hope he is captured soon.
Born: 1942, Birthplace: Sirt, Libya, Gender: Male, Religion: Muslim, Race or Ethnicity: Middle Eastern, Sexual orientation: Straight, Military service:  Army (1965- ) Occupation: soon to become former Dictator of Libya 
Gaddafi’s Arab socialist and nationalism ideal had been copied from first Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser who was his idol as a child and, he took a part as a teenager in anti-Israeli demonstrations during Suez Crisis. A dictator known as much for sponsoring international terrorism as his impeccable fashion sense, Libya's self-proclaimed "Guider of the Revolution" took power in a September 1969 military coup which deposed King Idris’s monarchy for good. One of Colonel Muammar Gaddafi's first acts as dictator was to rework the calendar and rename all the months. He also published the Green Book, a triad of brief pamphlets on the topics of Democracy, Economics, and Sociology. He also attempted to achieve greater powers by rallying Africa behind his idea of revolution calling himself a real true pan African. To accomplish this Gaddafi turned Libya into a haven for anti-Western radicals, where any group, supposedly, could receive weapons and financial assistance, provided they claimed to be fighting imperialism and leaders that are seen by Gaddafi as a stooge of the West.
Inside Libya itself, he divided power amongst his most trusted family members and Friends just like the following:
Saif Al Islam Gadaffi: Colonel Gaddafi’s most politically promising son and the likeliest candidate for succession. He is in charge of the Gadaffi International Charitable foundation. Now the spokesman of the Gaddafi Family. He is seen as the today as more stupid and blood thirsty than his father
Abu Bakr Younis Jaber: Head of the Libyan army since the late 1970s; a long-time member of Gaddafi's inner circle and one of the original members of the Revolutionary Command Council (composed of 12 army officials and led by Gadaffi himself, the Jamahiriya and the GPC). His daughter is married to Gaddafi’s third son Saadi Gaddafi
Musa Kusa: Head of Libya's intelligence service and a member of the five-strong inner circle which holds most influence in the country. He remains an important figure and has headed meetings with the US and the UK since 2001. He too was close to the colonel’s ear. He has betrayed his master and fled for political asylum
Moatassem-Billah Gaddafi (Mutassim) fourth son of Libyan leader head of national security, He heads most of the secret notorious institution which buries opponents six feet. He tortures opponents with so much mercilessness that he is more feared than the colonel.
Gaddafi’s only daughter Aicha Moammar Gadaffi, a law professor and part of the legal establishment. She was one time served on Saddam Husain’s defense team
Former US President Reagan's personal appraisal of the man: said he is not only a barbarian, but he's flaky. Reagan thinks the man is a zealot."
 Primarily at issue was Gaddafi's longstanding support for international terrorism. He played host to both Abu Nidal and the infamous assassin Carlos the Jackal. In all likelihood, Gaddafi ordered the bombing of Pan Am flight 103. Gaddafi was a major financier of the "Black September Movement" which perpetrated the Munich massacre at the 1972 Summer Olympics, and was accused by the United States of being responsible for direct control of the 1986 Berlin discotheque bombing that killed three people and wounded more than 200, of whom a substantial number were U.S. servicemen. He is also said to have paid"Carlos the Jackal" to kidnap and then release a number of Saudi Arabian and Iranian oil ministers.
In 1984, British police constable Yvonne Fletcher was shot outside the Libyan Embassy in London while policing an anti-Gaddafi demonstration and all Britain could do was to cutoff relations with the Devil.
Lockerbie Bombing.-On Wednesday 21 December 1988, the aircraft flying this route—a Boeing 747-121 named Clipper Maid of the Seas—was destroyed by a bomb, killing all 243 passengers and 16 crew members. Eleven people in Lockerbie, in southern Scotland, were killed as large sections of the plane fell in and around the town, bringing total fatalities to 270. Abdelbaset Ali al-Megrahi, a Libyan intelligence officer and the head of security for Libyan Arab Airlines (LAA) was accused but Gaddafi refused to hand him and another over for trial. It was only after persuasions from the then UN secretary General Kofi Anan that those men went on trial and Megrahi was sentenced in Scotland for life.
In August 2003, Libya agreed to pay $2.7 billion to families of the 270 killed on board flight 103, when it blew up in December 1988 over Lockerbie, Scotland. Just six months after the settlement, Gaddafi was visited by British Prime Minister Tony Blair in Tripoli. 
In October 2008 Libya accepted blame for all those atrocities and paid $1.5 billion into a fund which will be used to compensate relatives of the
Lockerbie bombing victims with the remaining 20%;
American victims of the 1986 Berlin discotheque bombing;
American victims of the 1989 UTA Flight 772 bombing; and,
Libyan victims of the 1986 US bombing of Tripoli and Benghazi.
As a result, President Bush signed Executive Order 13477 restoring the Libyan government's immunity from terror-related lawsuits and dismissing all of the pending compensation cases in the US, this was according to White House sources.

In August 2003, Libya agreed to pay $2.7 billion to families of the 270 killed on board flight 103, when it blew up in December 1988 over Lockerbie, Scotland. Just six months after the settlementGaddafi was visited by British Prime Minister Tony Blair in Tripoli.

Gaddafi's 2009 negotiated Megrahi’s release with Scotland and when this was granted, He welcome the return of convicted Lockerbie bomber Megrahi in a grand style in Tripoli with his son and members of his cabinet there to meet what they see as a hero, who was released from prison on compassionate grounds, which attracted criticism from Western leaders but neither the West nor the UN ever called for an international warrant to bring Gaddafi to court for his crimes.
In Africa and Middle East,
Gaddafi’s al-Mathabh al Thauriya al-Alamiya (“World Revolutionary Headquarters”) was an operational set up by his Libyan secret service to provide training on counter-insurgency warfare and other operations on the Africa continent to strengthen his firm influence on the continent as its main master just like the USA. As part of his demented pan-African policy, Gaddafi has and still is actively recruiting and training in his World revolutionary headquarters many disaffected radicals and dissidents from numerous number of states within and even outside the African Continent. Especially with Africa and other leaders who has had disagreements with his policies.
Moatassem-Billah Gaddafi (also translated as Mutassim) fourth son of Libyan leader head of national security, heads this notorious institution under the operational but secret command of the great Leader himself.
Lebanon
In August 1978, the Lebanese Shia leader Musa al-Sadr and two companions departed for Libya to meet with government officials for a possible help from the Libyan Leader and prior to this the Shia Leader had criticized Gaddafi for his killing of innocent people in which he accused Gaddafi’s notorious youths of the Libyan Popular Congress of many disappearances of Gaddafi opponents. This had infuriated the Mighty Gaddafi but he never responded to the accusation. When the Shia leader who doesn’t know Gaddafi that well thought he could ask a fellow Muslim for help, Gaddafi invited them to Tripoli. They were never heard of again. At the time, Musa al-Sadr founded Amal Movement, a liberal-Shia Lebanese resistance movement (which later went on to oppose the Israeli invasion of Lebanon). However Amal Movement became powerful much to the annoyance of the PLO which was based primarily in south Lebanon. Libya has consistently denied responsibility, claiming that Al-Sadr and his companions left Libya for Italy. Some others have reported that he remains secretly in jail in Libya. Al-Sadr's disappearance continues to be a major dispute between Lebanon and Libya. Lebanese then Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri claimed that the Libyan regime, and particularly the Libyan leader, was responsible for the disappearance of Imam Musa Sadr. London-based news paper Asharq Al-Awsat, a Saudi-run pan-Arab daily reported on 27 August 2006. According to Iranian General Mansour Qadar, the then head of Syrian security, Rifaat al-Assad brother to Basar al- Assad, told the Iranian ambassador to Syria that Gaddafi was planning to kill Al-Sadr. On 27 August 2008, Gaddafi was indicted in Lebanon for al-Sadr's disappearance.
 CHAD
Hissène Habré after a further brief period of government service, went to Libya Tripoli and joined the Forces Armées du Nord (Armed Forces of the North, FAN), an armed Chadian rebel movement. FAN operated in the extreme north of Chad, among the Toubou nomadic people, and which was led by Goukouni Oueddei
He later came back to Chad and on 29 August 1978, he was given the post of prime minister of Chad, replacing Felix Malloum in that position; Malloum had been both prime minister and president since 1975. Habré's term as prime minister ended, however, a year later, when Malloum's government ended. Elections brought Goukouni Oueddei to the presidency. 
Habre deposed Oueddei in a coup, backed by the CIA and Libya, on June 7, 1982 and the FAN leader became president; the post of prime minister was abolished. There followed a period of turmoil as Habre began ethnic cleansing killing thousands of Sara, Hadjerai and the Zaghawa tribes, killing and arresting group members en masse when it perceived that their leaders were posing a threat to the regime. Following his rise to power, Habré created a secret police force known as the Documentation and Security Directorate (DDS), under which opponents of Habré were tortured and executed.
On 15 December 1980, Libya occupied all of northern Chad, but Habré defeated Libyan troops and drove them out in November 1981. In 1983, Libyan troops occupied all of the country north of Koro Toro. The United States used a clandestine base in Chad to train captured Libyan soldiers whom it was organizing into an anti-Gaddafi force.
War broke up between Oueddei and Habré both backed by Libya whose aim was to destabilize Chad. The war cost thousands of Chadian lives Oueddei was defeated by Habre who turned out to be ruthless killer and a brutal dictator.
A rebel offensive in November 1990, which was led by Idris Déby, a Zaghawa former army commander who had participated in a plot against Habré in 1989 and subsequently fled to Sudan, defeated Habré's forces. The French chose not to assist Habré, allowing him to be ousted; it is possible that they actively aided Déby who had Libya’s backing.
When Idris Deby and his rebel army rolled into the capital city of N'Djamena forcing the 1,800-man French forces to withdraw. As expected, the guerrilla leader quickly proclaimed himself President and promised to bring parliamentary democracy to his impoverished country.
But there was nothing predictable about the arrival two days later of several Soviet-built Libyan transport planes at N’djamena’s military airport. The planes had come to pick up about 400 Libyan prisoners released by Deby, some of whom had been jailed since 1982, and to unload "humanitarian supplies," including a Renault luxury sedan, apparently a gift to Deby from Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi. Deby defended freeing the Libyans as a move to help maintain good relations with Chad's northern neighbour. However, the prisoner release, along with reports that Libya provided at least 40% of the equipment for Deby's army, stirred fears that Gaddafi is poised to use Chad as a base to project his influence throughout the region. He told Deby to use his revolution style with the slogan Power belongs to the people just like his Libyan Popular Congress. He told Deby that the majority of people do not react spontaneously unless they are incited to do so. He began by giving the new leader all sort of aid including military aid to strengthen his grip on power.
At the same time, the U.S. began airlifting out of Chad several hundred Libyan dissidents who had served as soldiers in the pro-Western government of ousted President Hussein Habre who Gaddafi backed against Gugunni Waddai. Tripoli accused the U.S. of training the dissidents to carry out commando raids in Libya, but Washington refused to comment.
Even by the convoluted standard of North African politics, Deby and Gaddafi are strange bedfellows. As adviser for security and defense under Habre, Deby helped mastermind a series of lightning attacks that drove Gaddafi out of northern Chad in 1983 and again in 1987. But after Habre accused him of plotting a coup last year, Deby fled to the Sudan, where he began recruiting his army. A final three-week assault quickly overwhelmed forces loyal to Habre, who fled across the Chari River into Cameroon.
While the full scope of Deby's relationship with Gaddafi remains hazy, it is known that Libya equipped Deby's army with as many as 200 Toyota land cruisers fitted with 23-mm Soviet-made cannonsDeby's army arrived in N'Djamena with other equipment commonly stockpiled by Libya, including Brazilian-made six- wheel armoured vehicles with 90-mm guns.
But if Gaddafi thought helping Deby would grant him his wish, he was in for a surprise as within months of Deby’s ascension to power the same amity between him Gaddafi and other Chadian leaders came in the open with new president Deby, and it does not seem centre on Aozou Strip, a mineral-rich area in northern Chad that Gaddafi claims belongs to Libya alone. Deby made it clear last week that if necessary he will fight to keep the strip out of Libya's hands. That may encourage Gaddafi to assist yet another rebel army with the aim of overthrowing Deby’s governmentHe with the help of Sudan who accused Deby of aiding Sudanese rebels overran N'djamena the Chadian Capital and Deby almost lost power thanks to France the colonial power who came to Deby’s aid and pushed the rebels out of the Capital. The rebels nearly succeeded in overrunning N'djamena, leaving a ruined city after killing lots of civilians.
 But as Deby survived and regrouped his control of the impoverished country, France's role will be crucial. Most probably, Chad and France will try their hardest to portray the war as a Libyan/Sudanese invasion and bring it to the UN Security Council on those terms. This could be a cover for Deby to eliminate civilian opposition and counter-attack in Darfur.
Gaddafi’s aim was even if the rebels fail, Chad would become another Somalia controlled by factional leaders who distrust one another and cannot form a government, with Sudanese security playing a leading role in brokering whatever agreement is possible under the influence of the great leader Gaddafi.
A third scenario, familiar from Chad's history, is collapse of a nation and the country into "warlordism". But France’s intervention brought the chances for a fourth political agreement and the construction of a civilian alternative fading away thus thwarting Libya’s aims.
 The Gambia
Sir Dawda Jawara first president of the Tiny English speaking country of the Gambia, a conservative and mild mannered leader was Kaddafi’s most hated Leader at the time and as the Jamahiriya leader, not liking oppositions on his policies on the USA and its allies, was determined to sponsor remove any African and some Asian leaders who challenge his authority of influence in the region. Jawara’s international connections with both the world leaders was a thorn in Kaddafi’s flesh and that also coupled with Jawara’s constant refusal to back Kaddafi’s attack on the US and its allies which Kaddafi had personal grudges against.
In 1981 sponsored and financed by Libya, Kukoi Samba Sanyang, a Gambian dissident (born 1952 in Foni Wassadu) and also trained together with Charles Tailor (Liberia), Foday Sanko (Sierra Leone), Prince Johnson (Liberia) and others at al. – Mathabh Camp, staged a coup to overthrow Jawara On July 30th of that year, while he Jawara was abroad in the UK attending the marriage of British prince Charles to Late Princess Diana. He formed National Revolutionary Council (NRC) made up of mostly taxi drivers and some ex convicts already serving prison sentences at the Mile 2 Central prison.
Kukoi in no time after overtaking the Nation’s state house and only then radio station disbanded all institutions calling Jawara a corrupt, tribalistic, greedy and incompetent leader and called for calm as he introduces his council.
But he was soon to face opposition as the likes of commander Bojang, Tambajang, police commander Njie and others formed themselves into units to flush the rebels out. Kukoi realizing he had formidable oppositions and to strengthen his grip on his nearly successful operation, He opened the state prisons releasing most convicts like the late Mustapha Danso who was serving life sentence for killing Emmanuel ("Eku") Mahoney, the then deputy commander of the paramilitary field force of the country in 1980. Danso shot and killed Mahoney in October 1980 with a self-loading rifle. At his trial in December, Danso who was then a constable in the field force of The Gambia at the time of his killing of Mahoney was found guilty of murder and sentenced to death which was commuted to life imprisonment. Danso was said to have been given two AK 47Rifles and he started killing at the very prison gate and heading towards Banjul where he and others like the late koro Sallah who was said to have targeted only prostitutes killing them like fouls went on the rampage massacring everyone on sight.
However, President Dawda Jawara put down the revolt by 5 August with the assistance of Senegalese Troops and forced the rebels out. He was installed back in power also with the help of the United Kingdom government.
Kukoi fled back to Libya where many known Gambian dissidents were said to have been trained. The likes of Baba Kajali Jobe, Ballow Kanteh L. Jarju, Abdoulie Sonko, Sheriffba Jobe, Muhammad Sowe Yaya Drammeh and others all trained by Gaddafi in his Libyan Training Camp were then waiting for a chance to strike.
 Danso was captured and executed in Banjul. He was the first person executed by the government of Sir Dawda since it gained independence in 1965. Since Danso's execution, no other prisoners have been put to death in the Gambia in the first republic. Koro Sallah and others were imprisoned after the coup. He was released and after the July 22nd coup 1994, he became close to president Jammeh who took him to Mecca.
 Gaddafi never gave up on Jawara.He was hell bent on punishing him
As Kukoi failed, Gaddafi had other plans to secretly show Jawara that he is no match for him and his chance came on 22nd July 1994 when young officers of the Gambia Arm forces under the leadership of one Yaya AJJ Jammeh staged a coup that finally overthrew Jawara from power. There was international outcry as the Gambia was then champion of true democracy in Africa with human Rights Head Quarters in Banjul. Britain placed travel restrictions on Gambians with advice from Baroness Linda and many other foreign powers for their nationals not to travel to Banjul. That was a big blow for the soldiers as they struggled to pay salaries because the Gambia depended heavily on foreign aid was left at its own mercy and there was no means for the Junta to maintain their grip on power for long. Gaddafi saw his chance and stepped in because the Young Gambian leader has something in common with him Gaddafi at the time which was their common hatred of the west.
Gaddafi with his wealth and ideas, he told the young soldiers that the secret to rule for ever was to make the people belief  that power belongs to the people and that all Gambians should be members of the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC) not necessarily becoming soldiers. The young inexperience soldiers took the slogan “Power to the people.” He told the Junta that the majority of people do not react spontaneously unless they are incited to do so. He sent Mr. Baba K.Jobe a Gambian who was at the time on a self imposed exile a trained mercenary at the World training Camp to guide the Junta adopt a similar role like the Libyan Popular Congress.
This lead to the creation of the “July 22 Youth Movement” which was headed by Mr. Jobe. Gaddafi through Mr. Jobe gave help to many poor Gambians to win hearts and minds so that Gambians can grow to love the young soldiers. At the same time was sending, many of the July 22 members in Libya who underwent series of military trainings and some were incorporated into all institutions across the country as spies of the regime inculcating terror and fear amongst people. Other trained Members of the movement were given police responsibilities and can respond with force on anything deemed not to be in the interest of the regime. They became the most feared than the police and army and are responsible for the six feet deep disappearances.
Libya in1995 just a year after Yaya Jammeh successfully overthrew Jawara; and brutally killed over a dozen soldiers on the 11thNovember alleged coup, Gaddafi had the new young Gambian leader Decorated with the Grand Commander of the Order of Al-Fatah.
Through Mr. Jobe, the junta was able to get financial help from Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates and other Arab countries, which were used to fund the construction of schools, Arch 22, Banjul International Airport, Gambia TV and other projects all with the aim of wining the hearts and minds of Gambians. Mr. Basha of Spectrum Group International who imported many tones of the AFPRC Rice and other cooking ingredients that were sold across the country at a cheaper rate was brought to help the Junta by Baba Kajali Jobe and instead of giving it to poor Gambian farmers as it used to be done during the Days of Sir Dawda Jawara’s term as president, Yaya Jammeh wanted to form an enterprise to sell the rice to the people but at a cheaper rate thus the Youth Development Enterprise Limited (YDEL) which later changed its name to Youth Development Enterprise (YDE) was set up. Though owned by President Jammeh, Baba Jobe ran the day to day affairs of the company in consultation with Jammeh
From the outset Jammeh established close relationships with Gaddafi, Liberian warlord/president Charles Taylor and Sierra Leonean warlord Foday Sankoh. The Gambia has no diamond resources, but during the war in Sierra Leone became a significant exporter of diamonds from areas controlled by the Revolutionary United Front. The diamonds are later sold in the black market in Belgium and other Scandinavian countries. And from 1999 to 2001, there was a rapid growth in diamond export from the Gambia and Gambian diamond exports just to Belgium amounted to $78 million in 1998 alone which attracted suspicion from the United Nations. The Gambia government admitted the export of the said diamonds which it alleged were legally owned by Sarahulehs, who have for many years been involved in legal diamond trade. However in June 2001, a UN investigation team found Baba Jobe and some close associates of Charles Taylor guilty of arms trafficking in violation of UN Resolution 1343. A travel ban was imposed on Mr. Jobe, who was then the Majority Leader in Gambia’s Legislative Assembly. The Ban made the Gambian Authorities very infuriated with the Banjul Parliament calling the Ban unfair and President Jammeh himself accused the UN of trying to punish an innocent man. The Jammeh government openly defended Baba Jobe and while many foreign embassies in Banjul refused to issue travel visas to Mr. Jobe, the Gambia government behind him, allowed him diplomatic status with a diplomatic passport and on numerous occasions had travelled to Libya on its behave violating the world body resolution.
These new powers made Baba Jobe so powerful that he was a de-factor king, But he became blinded by his powers and showed no mercy on opposition and their supporters whom he Jobe sees as enemies of Gambia. He spearheaded the arrest and torture of many opposition figures and also engineered the sackings of suspected opposition supporters from the civil service. He was feared more than Jammeh and his name was on every Gambian’s lip. His YDE office on Kairaba Avenue also commonly calledthe money shop was always full with APRC and even poor opposition supporters who he dashed with money or work for their loyalty to Jammeh. Jammeh had even named one of the streets in Banjul Col. Gaddafi Drive (the road from the arch behind RVTH towards the McCarthy Square.
Mr Baba. K. Jobe who once mighty, was all along not trusted by his friend Jammeh who saw the popularity of Jobe as a direct threat to his presidency. He devised all means to put his friend down for a long time no matter what cost. He had him accused of economic crimes and sent him to Mile 2 disgracefully hand cuffed in an open truck.
Baba Jobe’s imprisonment did not stop Gaddafi’s friendship with Banjul. He still continued to help the Jammeh regime.
The Libyan Ambassador to the Gambia H.E Dr. Ali Muhammad Dukaly stated that the Ramadan gift is a gesture from the people of Libya to the brotherly people of the Gambia.
The donation came at the time when Libya is marking 40 years of Al-Fateh Revolution, which brought Brother Gaddafi to power, had invited the Gambian leader; President Yahya Jammeh to attend the celebrations. The Libyan leader Maumarr Gaddafi visited the Gambia on Tuesday in 2009 to attend the 15th Anniversary of the July 22 Revolution. At that moment, contingents of Gambian soldiers were already in Tripoli, together with their counterparts from across Africa for the great event. Back home in The Gambia, the Libyan embassy is organising a reception at the Corinthian Atlantic Hotel in Banjul to mark the day. 
Also in 1998 Yaya Jammeh was awarded “the Grand Order of Bravery” by the Libyan Leader Colonel Muammar Gadaffi.
And a year later, in 1999 decorated with Libya's Highest Honour the African Medal by the same Libyan leader Colonel Muammar Gadaffi.
2000: Decorated with Orders of The Distinction of Liberia.
Gaddafi urged the Gambian Leader to abolish multi party democracy.  In his inaugural speech as new African Union (AU) chairman, Libya’s leader Muammar Gaddafi said that multi-party democracy in Africa leads to bloodshed. Speaking at the AU summit in Ethiopia, Col Gaddafi said Africa was essentially tribal and political parties became inevitably tribalized, which he said led to bloodshed. He concluded the best model for Africa was to be found in his own country Libya, where opposition parties are not allowed and he had served as erratic autocrat for nearly forty years.
Even until the resent uprising in that country, Libya with Taiwan and few other countries were the Gambian Dictator's main backers to remain in power for life. But now in the Gambia the government which had gained almost it very survival on Libya when things were though and there were international sanctions on Jammeh, today the Jammeh government has betrayed Qaddafi when he needs them most.Thats no problem because thieves always betray each other.
 Liberia and Côte d’Ivoire
Taylor was reportedly personally encouraged by Gaddafi to recruit fighters in preparation for the December 1989 assault against Doe. Liberians suffered worst with Sierra Leone as a result of Gaddafi’s brutalities to Africa. Former U.S. Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, Herman Cohen, who some months ago testified before the Commission in the US, as saying, “We knew that these guerrilla fighters had been trained in Libya and that their arms had come from Burkina Faso, and they were getting full support Libya through Côte d'Ivoire and Burkina Faso.”
When Doe took power in 1980, Libya was the first to recognize the new regime and readily acted to foster diplomacy between the two states.
In addition to the diplomatic ties with the Doe regime, Libyans had also established a business presence in Liberia during the 1980s, owning the Pan-African Plaza office block and Union Glass Factory.
The relationship cooled as Doe accepted more and more American support – including a purported $10 million in cash on condition that Doe would cancel a scheduled visit to Libya. Liberia’s diplomatic overtures toward Israel further abated relations between Liberia and Libya, which led to the expulsion of Libyan diplomats and Libya’s severance of ties with Liberia. In 1985, however, as his relationship with the U.S. began to sour, Doe re-initiated dialogue with Libya and paid the country a visit in 1988. Even with re-established ties and warmer relations with the Doe government in the mid- to late 1980s, Gaddafi pursued other avenues of influence in Liberia and acted to support Liberian dissidents.
One of Master Sgt. Doe's henchmen, Charles Taylor, was put in charge of government purchasing after the "revolution," but soon had a falling out with his boss. Taylor was on a trip to the United States in 1985 when Doe convinced the American authorities to put him in jail and filed extradition papers. Doe charged Taylor with embezzlement Taylor's lawyer, Lester Hyman, a Democratic Party operative from Massachusetts, beat back the first set of extradition papers. Before a second set could be filed, Taylor skipped jail. After Taylor escaped from his U.S. jail he went to Libya, where Libyan intelligence put him through al-Mathabh al-Thauriya al-Alamiya (World Revolutionary Headquarters), "a sort of university for revolutionary guerrillas from all over Africa."Hyman would be rewarded many years later once Taylor replaced Master Sgt. Doe as Liberia's strongman. In 1998, Taylor asked him to take over the lucrative Liberian shipping and corporate registry from an American group that refused to finance Taylor's civil war. "I saw him when I got off the plane. I recognized him," Jackson says, recalling his reunion with Romeo Horton in February 1998 on the tarmac of the Monrovia airport. The presence of Jackson's old friend Romeo Horton in the official welcoming party for the U.S. special envoy was no accident. Charles Taylor hadn't thrived during the past eight years of war by lacking street smarts. He had called Horton back to Liberia specifically to brief him on Jesse Jackson, whom Taylor had yet to meet. Taylor was worried Jackson would hector him on human rights and asked Horton what to expect. Thanks to Horton's intercession, the first meeting between the two, on Feb. 12, 1998, in Monrovia, went well. "Instead of meeting an adversary," Taylor "met a friend" in Jesse Jackson, Horton told New Republic reporter Ryan Liza.
The reasons were not hard to find. The Clinton administration, eager to avoid any serious engagement in potential trouble spots around the world, was equally eager to please the Black Caucus, a key block of support in the U.S. Congress. The administration's only real policy concern in Liberia and Sierra Leone was to prevent a humanitarian disaster on the scale of the Rwanda massacres of 1994, which Clinton chose to ignore until it was too late.
Moses Blah, who served as Charles Taylor’s Vice President, testified that Gaddafi’s Libyan government ran training camps, which taught fighters how to use AK-47 assault rifles and surface-to-air-missiles. In response to Doe’s involvement with the United States, Gaddafi directed Libyan agents to begin recruiting, arming and funding Liberian dissidents throughout the region, including Sierra Leone, Burkina Faso, Guinea and Ghana.
It has been reported that “several hundred Liberians were trained in Libya at least three different terrorist camps.” Those who trained in Libya included, inter alia, former Ministers, Dr. H. Boima Fahnbulleh and Samuel Dokie; Prince Johnson who later captured and brutally killed Samuel Dore on camera; and Benjamin Yeaten, future head of Taylor’s Special Security Service.
Perhaps the most important figure to be trained in Libya was Charles Taylor, who was reportedly trained in one of Libya’s camps at Mathaba in 1985.
Following Taylor’s release from a Ghanaian jail, he began travelling between a new home in the capital of Burkina Faso, paid for by Libyan funds, and Tripoli. Thus, when the Libyan government chose to support the NPFL, Taylor suddenly had access to a foreign government with the finances to support a large scale insurgency.
Libya furnished the NPFL leader with a cache of weaponry and millions of dollars to support his insurgency. The relationship between Gaddafi and Taylor apparently continued through Taylor’s presidency. After his inauguration, President Taylor made several trips to Libya for talks with Gaddafi.
Even in the closing days of his presidency, Taylor received support from Libya, reportedly flying to Libya to obtain weaponry in 2003. Just prior to
Taylor’s departure from Liberia in 2003, Nigerian peacekeepers controlling the airport confiscated a shipment of weapons, believed to have come from Libya.
On Christmas Eve 1989, Charles Taylor invaded Liberia from the neighbouring Ivory Coast, launching a civil war that would last eight years. "One of Taylor's first military innovations was his creation of the Small Boys Unit, a battalion of intensely loyal child soldiers who were fed crack cocaine and referred to Taylor as 'our father.' He and his troops were accused of unspeakable atrocities, ritual mutilations, random amputations of children and women, and even cannibalism." Within two years, Taylor had seized 90 percent of Liberia, and a weakened central government of Doe, called on Nigerian Gen. Ibrahim Babangida to send in troops to hold Taylor's mercenaries at bay. Known as ECOMOG (Economic/Military Observer Group), the Nigerians failed to prevent the massacre by Taylor's "boys" of five American Catholic nuns.  Charles Taylor, secured experts from Libya and Burkina Faso to embed land mines in Liberia. Côte d’Ivoire served as a transit route for equipment and personnel sent from Burkina Faso and Libya. Gaddafi loaned Taylor planes for use by the arms dealers with whom the former warlord used to export Diamonds.
His friend the late president Felix Houphouet-Boigny of Côte d’Ivoire was, at the time helping Gaddafi as the principal regional supporters of Taylor’s military campaign in Liberia. Côte d’Ivoire was geographically strategic for Taylor to establish his base, given that its “corridor . . . provided convenient, regular passage for truckloads of arms and ammunitions destined for Taylor’s rebel forces which was what Taylor needed to eventually gain power in Liberia.”. Also Boigny who had personal scores to sort with Doe helped Tailor both politically, personally, geographically and financially.
“Its border with Liberia allowed the National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) to recruit fighters along the Ivorian frontier in preparation for its attack on Liberia. Côte d’Ivoire’s political leverage was also a significant factor in Taylor’s war efforts.”
At the time of Taylor’s campaign, Côte d’Ivoire was France’s most prominent ally in West Africa. Arguably, this international recognition, along with Côte d’Ivoire’s political connections and diplomatic facilities, was one of the most important benefits to Taylor.
One possible factor affecting the onset and duration of Liberia’s war was the French influence in the region. France’s wariness of Nigeria’s rise as a regional power led to chilly relations between the two states.
“As a result, France had discouraged its former colonies, such as Burkina Faso and Côte d'Ivoire, from engaging in any peace agreements which would have raised Nigerian influence in the region. The Nigerians would remain in the country off and on for the rest of the decade.
The Ivorian government provided Taylor and his rebels with other material goods and services, including cantonment, “military intelligence, transportation facilities, safe haven for retreating rebels, and medical assistance for wounded rebels.”
It also played a role in Liberia’s diamond and arms trade. Côte d’Ivoire facilitated the smuggling of diamonds from Liberia, as well as weapons shipments into Liberia. Taylor’s financial backers also used Abidjan as a venue to convene and cut their deals on arms, communication resources and training.
After Houphouet-Boigny’s death in 1993, Taylor maintained close relationships with both successors; Henri Konan Bedie and Robert Gueï who he knew and with Kaddafi’s backing, helped overthrew Bedie to put general Gui a boy boy of Gaddafi in power. Those connections enabled him to continue the arms transfers and other activities. When Gueï was ousted from the presidency after the 2000 elections, the alliance shifted toward plotting a coup against Ivorian President, Laurent Gbagbo. Taylor opposed Gbagbo and sought to destabilize the Côte d’Ivoire, whose government had developed relationships with and recruited combatants from Liberians United for Reconciliation and Democracy (LURD).
“Also, Taylor purportedly wanted to establish a base in Côte d’Ivoire should he need to leave Liberia; gain control over Ivorian seaports that were vital to Liberia’s timber exports; and establish an armed line of defence to stop LURD and MODEL incursions into Liberia. Thus, Taylor supported two rebel groups, the Popular Movement of the Ivorian Great West (MPIGO) and the Movement for Justice and Peace (MJP), which launched an offensive on Danané from Liberia on November 28, 2002,”
Liberian government denied any involvement, Danané residents reported that Liberian security, Anti-terrorist Unity (ATU) or former NPFL fighters, constituted 90 percent of the rebels.
In Liberia, Charles Taylor was pushing his pawns. Just as Clinton and Jesse Jackson were leaving Africa, Taylor ordered Foday Sankoh's RUF back into Sierra Leone, where they launched a war against the civilian population called "Operation No Living Thing." According to State Department reports, it included "brutal killings, severe mutilations and deliberate dismemberments, in a widespread campaign of terror." Amnesty International reported that several thousand civilians were brutally killed or mutilated, while hundreds more were abducted from their villages and forced to join their attackers. While Jesse Jackson was drumming up support for Taylor and his RUF henchmen, the United States was airlifting mutilated victims of RUF butchery to field hospitals run by international aid groups, where they received artificial limbs.
Taylor soon appointed Jesse Jackson's old friend Romeo Horton as chairman of the Special Presidential Banking Commission, to revive the collapsed banking system, a position that reflected Taylor's total confidence in his loyalty. It was also a position that gave Horton access to Liberian government accounts both at home and abroad.. Jesse Jackson hosted the event in Chicago in order to present warlord Charles Taylor as Liberia's savoir, rather than as the bloodthirsty tyrant most Liberians knew.
Jackson called it the "reconciliation" conference, and pretends that it gave Liberian opposition leaders a chance to meet Charles Taylor face to face (or almost) for the first time. "Many Liberians came from around the country and saw relatives for the first time since the civil war," Jackson says in an interview. "It was indeed a reunion. There were painful exchanges. People were upset with what happened during the war."
But that's not how opposition leaders remember it.  Harry A. Greaves, a Taylor opponent who helped found the Liberia Action Party with Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. On the invitation Jackson sent out, not a single Liberian opposition leader was listed as a speaker or even as an invited guest. The Liberian government delegation was led by Taylor's wife, Jewel Howard Taylor, and included several government ministers. Taylor himself appeared on a huge video screen on the PUSH stage in Chicago in a real-time satellite audio link-up to address the audience. "Taylor painted himself as a victim of international conspiracy," recalls Harry Greaves. "He was slick. As he portrayed it, Liberia's only problem was that the world misunderstood Charles Taylor."
When opposition leaders in the United States learned that Jackson was planning the conference, they realized they were being played for fools. Siahyonrkon J. K. Nyanseor, chairman of Liberian Democratic Future, complained in writing to President Clinton and Congresswoman Maxine Waters, then chair of the Congressional Black Caucus. The State Department got wind of the dispute, and Deputy Assistant Secretary Howard Jeter called Jackson, who begrudgingly agreed to allow the opposition groups to send a small delegation. But no sooner had the invitations gone out than Jackson aide Yuri Tadesse bluntly told the opposition leaders that they would not be allowed to speak.
After violating 13 peace agreements, Taylor felt strong enough to call for elections, making it clear that if he didn't win he would unleash his child-soldiers for another round of mayhem. That's when his gun-toting youngsters swarmed through the streets, chanting what became his unofficial campaign slogan: "He killed my pa. He killed my ma. I'll vote for him." Charles Taylor won more than 75 percent of the vote in the July 18, 1997, ballot, with his nearest opponent, Unity Party candidate Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, getting just 9.6 percent. But his crushing victory fooled no one. The U.S. State Department concluded that the elections were "conducted in an atmosphere of intimidation, as most voters believed that Taylor's forces would resume fighting if Taylor were to lose." He was eventually forced out of office with negotiations from Nigeria and now faced War crimes in the international tribunal in The Hague a place where his mentor Gaddafi should also be..
All these brutal killings in all the above countries and below have to be attributed to Gaddafi. It was Gaddafi who trained not only Taylor and his thugs for Liberia, but also Foday Sankoh and other leaders of the Revolutionary United Front in Sierra Leone, Laurent Kabila in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Compaore’s troops who assassinated President Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso
Burkina Faso
 Perhaps one of Compaore’s most significant acts was his introduction of Taylor to the Libyan leader, Col. Muammar Gaddafi. Burkina Faso played a supporting role to Taylor and the NPFL, and that its president, Blaise Compaore, was a significant figure in the events leading up to Taylor’s armed rebellion.
“It is likely that at least part of the motivation for Burkinabe support for Taylor was personal. Accounts suggest that Compaore who was assisted by Gaddafi ordered [the assassination of] former Burkinabe President, Thomas Sankara. Sankara had earlier blasted African leaders for their corruption and incompetence which angered Gaddafi and Houphouet Boigny and they connived to get him out as soon as possible. That chance they found in Sankara’s deputy and friend Blaise Compaore. Taylor, who arrived in Burkina Faso at approximately the time of President Sankara’s assassination in October 1987, was involved in the murder. Compaore was also married to Ivorian President, Houphouet-Boigny’s daughter, the widow of Adolphus Tolbert son of former Liberian president William Tolbert whom Doe killed.
Given the strong relationship between Gaddafi, Compaore and Houphouet-Boigny and their shared hostility toward former Liberian president, Samuel Doe, it is believed Gaddafi through Houphouet-Boigny persuaded Compaore to support Taylor’s efforts to overthrow Doe but some analysts believed it was for Boigny as revenge for Tolbert’s murder whose son was his son in law.
It was Compaore who convinced Gaddafi that Taylor possessed the military and diplomatic credentials necessary to overthrow the Doe government.
Burkina Faso also helped facilitate arms transfers to Taylor by serving as a transfer site for weapons en route to Liberia.
Despite assurances he would stop supplying arms to Taylor, Compaore continued his support for Taylor. Burkinabe banks also harbored diverted funds for Taylor, who had at least two Burkinabe bank accounts under the name of Jean Pierre Somé.
Burkina Faso also served as a recruiting ground for the NPFL’s ranks, the report added.
A generation of young Burkinabe men was alienated during the country’s economic crisis in the mid 1980s, and it was largely these disaffected youth who traveled to the NPFL training camps in Libya and Burkina Faso. In fact, Taylor’s 1989 invasion involved not only Gio and Mano combatants, but also Burkinabe soldiers, according to the Commission.
Statement givers confirmed the belief that Burkina Faso’s support enabled Taylor to train his soldiers.

Compaore continued his support for Taylor despite international pressure and the humanitarian disaster that ensued in Liberia: “He kept going because he had an investment in Charles Taylor, and he wanted absolutely for Charles Taylor to win, and he did not trust the West African forces because he opposed the operation.” Taylor was issued Burkinabe diplomatic passport even before he started his brutal revolution and had used his status to travel across Africa as a Burkinabe diplomat while preparing his war efforts.
A portion of the resources and training that fuelled the war is believed to have been supplied by Libya.
 Sierra Leone
Among the many fellow Africans Charles Taylor met and befriended in Col. Gaddafi's training camp was a former Sierra Leone army corporal named Foday Sankoh, who had recently taken an army radio communications course at Hythe in southern England. Soon, they would become partners in crime who used Jesse Jackson to further their interests.
As Taylor the warlord grew in stature and force, so he grew in greed. His militias helped him grab control of the economy, making him master of Liberia's timber and raw materials trade. Rumour had it both Tailor and Sankoh also trafficked in hashish and brought in $250 million per year through smuggling and legitimate trade. In March 1991, Taylor encouraged his old friend Foday Sankoh to take the war across the border into Sierra Leone. With help from Taylor, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF), Foday Sankoh with his deputiesAbu Kanu, Rashid Mansaray, and Sam Bockarie also known as “the mosquito”, headed straight for the diamond mines in Kono district and surroundings. Taylor then appointed Sankoh "governor of Sierra Leone." His soldiers jokingly referred to Sierra Leone as their Kuwait, because it assured them a regular supply of diamonds and cash.
When pressed publicly, Taylor attempted to put distance between himself and Sankoh's RUF. But as Jesse Jackson and U.S. diplomats would report, Sankoh was Charles Taylor's creation. Without Taylor, Sankoh and the RUF would never have existed. Indeed, Jackson says he first encountered Sankoh at a meeting with Charles Taylor.
The civil war in both countries dragged on during the early Clinton years, with incredible slaughter on all sides funded by Libya, more than 200,000 Liberians and almost nearly a quarter of a million Sierra Leoneans were massacred during seven years of fighting, according to the State Department annual human right report for 1997. Taylor regularly used peace agreements hammered out by the Nigerians or by the Organization of African Unity as an interval to rearm, and then start fighting once again.
"He learned this from Gaddafi," says Sierra Leone Ambassador John Ernest Leigh. "Peace agreements are stepping stones, not an end point." At the same time, elections were organized in Sierra Leone, but under dramatically different conditions. The RUF had been severely weakened by an offensive spearheaded by the private South African security firm Executive Outcomes, which arrived in the country in May 1995 on contract to the government. By early 1996, reports David Pratt, a Canadian member of Parliament who made several fact-finding missions to the region on behalf of the Canadian government, "the RUF had been seriously damaged." The well-planned, professional assault by the South African mercenaries forced Foday Sankoh's guerrillas out of the diamond areas "that had helped to finance their military efforts."
At that point, the United Nations agreed in February 1996 to send in international election monitors and to allow a long time U.N. official, Ahmad Tejan Kabbah, to break his contract (which expressly forbade him from political activities) and run for president. According to a former U.S. official, "Kabbah won key precincts with 130 percent and 180 percent of the vote. We know this from a Norwegian aid worker who compiled the vote tallies precinct by precinct." Kabbah then cut a deal with the Nigerians, who became his protectors. Nigerian troops "set up a major heroin transport hub at the Freetown [Sierra Leone] airport to take the heat off of Lagos airport," which had been identified by the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency as the main drug centre in Africa. "This was called restoring democracy," the former official quipped.
In November 1996, "it looked as though the RUF was a spent force," Pratt says. This prompted President Kabbah to join in yet another "peace plan" with Foday Sankoh to agree to terminate the contract with Executive Outcomes three months later. The results were quick and nearly fatal. In May 1997, disgruntled government soldiers known as "sobels" attacked the central jail in Freetown, releasing pro-RUF officers and an estimated 600 criminals, and seized control of the government.President Kabbah fled into exile in neighbouring Guinea, and the coup leaders brought Foday Sankoh and the RUF into their junta. They suspended the constitution and placed artillery on the hills surrounding Freetown, threatening to bombard markets and schools if citizens rose up to protest the coup or to support Kabbah.
"The RUF quickly took control of the military junta," the State Department reported, resulting in a total breakdown in law and order. The new regime "routinely jailed anti-regime civic leaders and students without judicial process; junta forces killed some detainees, amputated the arms of others and raped women as punishment for their opposition to the regime. After the coup, the court system ceased to function."
The RUF also seized control of the rich diamond mines in the Kono District and the Tongo Field and shipped raw uncut diamonds across the border to Liberia in military helicopters operated by Taylor's army. Meanwhile, a British mineral company, Commonwealth Gold, signed a 10-year contract with Charles Taylor in Liberia worth up to $7.5 billion, giving the company "exclusive access" to Liberia's mineral resources, such as they were. The company offered to invest $700 million to set up a mining company called Liberesco, jointly owned with the Liberian government but actually controlled by Taylor himself. Liberia became a major exporter of diamonds, although it produced almost no diamonds domestically.
"The moral of this story is that war is a business," said a former U.S. government official. "So you want to connect with whoever can make you a lot of money, no matter who they are. Everybody's playing Africa for business opportunities – the politicians, the diamond traders, the arms dealers."
This was the mess that Madeleine Albright and Bill Clinton handed Jesse Jackson as he was preparing his first trip to Liberia in February 1998.
A friend on the ground
"Secretary Albright delegated Africa policy to [Congressman Donald] Payne and the Congressional Black Caucus," says Sierra Leone's outspoken ambassador to Washington, John Ernest Leigh.
A House International Affairs Committee staffer who followed Jackson's meetings with Charles Taylor puts it even more bluntly. "The whole effort under Clinton was to mainstream Charles Taylor, and Jesse Jackson had a lot to do with it. Whenever Clinton was asked a question about Liberia, he turned to Jackson and to Donald Payne. Both believed Charles Taylor was the key to resolving the Western African wars, especially if they could prevail upon him to use his influence on RUF commander Foday Sankoh. President Kabbah, a decent man who had pledged to put a stop to all this kind of thing, had been overthrown due to Tailor’s backing of the RUF.
In late 1997, exiled President Kabbah took the suggestion of the British high commissioner in Sierra Leone, Mr. Peter Penfold, and turned to a private British security firm for help. Sandline International had close ties to Executive Outcomes and to companies such as Branch Energy and Diamond Works, which had earlier been granted concessions to the Sierra Leone diamond field in exchange for security assistance. With the full blessing of Britain's Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Kabbah contracted with Lt. Col. Tim Spicer, the former British special services officer who headed Sand line, to provide $28 million worth of weapons to help the Sierra Leone army stage a countercoup against Foday Sankoh and the military junta. Spicer considered himself a warrior and a gentleman, and had seen enough of the RUF rebels during earlier trips to Sierra Leone to need no convincing of the rightness of the cause. Spicer wrote an op-ed for the London Sunday Times after his involvement in the ill-fated arms deal was stopped by British customs authorities, who had not consulted the Foreign Office. In it, he paints a chilling picture of the RUF:
Shortly after Jackson's first official trip to Monrovia, the Nigerian ECOMOG soldiers liberated Freetown, pushing Foday Sankoh's troops back across the border into Liberia where Taylor welcomed them quietly. In early March 1998, exiled president Kabbah returned. Two weeks later, Bill Clinton was flying overhead and rewarded Taylor with a 30-minute cheer-up call from Air Force One, which he made at Jesse Jackson's request.
The rebels in Sierra Leone used to play a game with the villagers they terrorized; their own sinister version of Russian roulette. The RUF war in Sierra Leone ultimately caused the death of 75,000 people and forced over half of the country's population to leave their homes. The Muslim Marxist Revolutionary United Front waged a terrorist campaign which included the deliberate and systematic mutilation of civilians. Brutal attacks on non-military targets and public executions of minority ethnic groups where commonplace, producing millions of refugees. A series of grisly "punishments" would be scribbled on bits of paper: cut off hand, cut off head, kill, and the like.
The RUF made extensive use of child soldiers, using horrific methods to numb their new recruits to barbarity. Thousands of abducted boys were forced to serve as soldiers and the girls, as well as some of the boys, were forced into prostitution. Those chosen to be soldiers were sometimes forced to murder their own parents. Guerrillas frequently carved the initials "RUF" on their chests, and officers reportedly rubbed cocaine into open cuts on their troops to make them manic and fearless. For entertainment, some soldiers would bet on the sex of an unborn baby and then slice open a woman's womb to determine the winner. It is also believed that cannibalism was a hobby of some RUF members.



Sudan
Libya is accused by Sudan of aiding and hosting the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) leader Khalil Ibrahim who took arms against the Sudanese government in 2003 accusing Khartoum of leaving their region marginalized and underdeveloped.
Khartoum has persistently demanded that Libya expel Ibrahim or hand him over to face charges over his role in leading a failed attempt to take over the Sudanese capital more than two years ago. However, Libyan officials made remarks saying they cannot heed to Sudan’s request but vowed to limit Ibrahim’s movements and prevent him from making political statements or issuing orders to his forces.


Uganda, Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda
Ugandan Dictator Idi Amin was helped to over throw Milton Obote. Gaddafi became the friend of the worst dictator. His relationship with Idi Amin, who regime murdered more than 300,000, stands out in this regard. The Libyan Arab Bank financed the ventures of Idi Amin’s henchmen and the Libyan army fought alongside Idi Amin’s army when Amin invaded Tanzania in 1978.The duo later fell out and Gaddafi turned against Amin to aid The Front for National Salvation (FRONASA) a Ugandan rebel group formed by Yoweri Museveni in 1973When Libyan soldiers were captured, Gaddafi attempted to buy them back from Tanzania. But Nyerere returned these prisoners of war, and said that there should not be a price on human beings. Also He Gaddafi was as well aiding his former enemy Milton Obote’s Kikosi Maalum and FRONASA, as well as several smaller groups including Save Uganda Movement and Uganda Freedom Union, formed the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) and its military wing the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) in 1979 to fight alongside Tanzanian forces against Idi Amin. Gaddafi reportedly met Yoweri Museveni, the future leader of Uganda and offered his help through third party Tanzania. The Libyan Embassy in Dar Salem was the cash machine of Museveni’s FROSANA. Soon Museveni became well armed to tackle the Ugandan Dictator also backed by Libya. Yoweri Museveni of Uganda and Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe were supported by Gaddafi. In fact, when democratic forces in Uganda and Zimbabwe were involved in a prolonged struggle to end dictatorship, Gaddafi said a revolutionary should never retire.
In a 2001 election, Museveni defeated Kizza Besigye (his former bush doctor), with 69% of the vote. During the election campaign, Musuveni threatened to put Besigye “six feet under”. This phrase is Gaddafi’s famous phrase and which is used by almost all his boy boy presidents across Africa.
The duo did fell out but later reconciled and in 2008, on Prophet Mohammad’s birthday, Libyan MI6 asset Gaddafi opened Africa’s largest mosque — The Gaddafi National Mosque in Kampala.
At a celebration in Uganda’s National Stadium, with Museveni by his side, Gaddafi gave a speech, in which he stated that:
“He who doesn’t accept Islam in the end will be a loser
“Muhammad is everybody’s prophet. He was sent to all mankind, unlike the other prophets before him.”
Ahmed Gaddafi al-Dam, cousin and close aide of the Libyan tyrant explained:
“It was the president of Uganda who asked us to build the mosque, and schools for Muslims. Helping Ugandans is part of the leader’s continued efforts for inter-African solidarity.”
At a ceremony held inside the new Mosque, Museveni stated:
“I congratulate you for the birthday of Prophet Muhammad. I didn’t realize that Muslims celebrate the equivalent of Christmas.”
Funding for the mosque came from World Islamic Call Society, a Libyan “NGO”. And many tyrants who are friends of their master tyrant Gaddafi were in attendance: Tyrants Paul Kagame of Rwanda, Omar Bongo of Gabon, Abeid Karume of Zanzibar, Abdullahi Yusuf of Somalia, Pierre Nkrunziza of Burundi, Lansana Kouyate of Guinea, and Ismael Omar Guelleh of Djibouti were in attendance.
Former Ugandan dictator Idi Amin had mandated the building of a great mosque in the same area backed by Libya but after falling out with Gaddafi, left the project uncompleted.
Museveni and former Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere later introduced Kabila to Paul Kagame, who would become president of Rwanda. These personal contacts became vital in mid-1990s, when Uganda and Rwanda were looking for a Congolese face for their intervention in Zaire. Laurent-Désiré Kabila launched the campaign in Zaire to oust the Mobutu regime. Joseph Kabila his son and now president of Congo became the commander of the famous army of "kadogos" (child soldiers) and played a key role in major battles on the road to Kinshasa.
The Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) operated a clandestine cell structure within Uganda’s NRA, and in 1990, 4,000 Rwandan NRA soldiers joined up with other Rwandans in an invasion of Rwanda, in an attempt to overthrow the government of Juvénal Habyarimana. RPF leaders, including Museveni’s fellow Tutsis such as Fred Rwigema and Paul Kagame (now president of Rwanda), had been founding members of the NRM. When the invasion was launched, Museveni and Habyarimana were both attending a UN summit in the U.S. The Rwandan army repelled the invasion with extensive reinforcement from Belgium, France and Zaire. The Habyarimana government then began shelling Ugandan border villages, but the RPF ended up occupying much of northern Rwanda by 1992.
 In 1994, a plane carrying President Habyarimana of Rwanda and President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi was shot down over Kigali airport. This precipitated the Rwandan genocide in which an estimated 800,000 people were killed. The Rwandan Patriotic Front of Pauthen overran Kigali and took power with the help of the Ugandan army.
 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (DRC)
The Rwandan government of Museveni’s old comrade Kagame was threatened by the presence of former Rwandan soldiers in Zaire (now Democratic Republic of Congo; DRC), where they were supported by Mobutu Sese Seko. Rwanda then had asked Libya to help overthrow Mobuto install Laurent-Desire Kabila the Bantu as president.
Kabila had studied political philosophy in France, and attended the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. When the Congo achieved “independence” in 1960 under Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba, and when the Congo Crisis began, Kabila was a “deputy commander” in the Jeunesses Balubakat, the youth wing of the Lumumba-aligned General Association of the Baluba People of Katanga (Balubakat), fighting the Belgian-backed Katanga secessionist forces of Moise Tshombe. Ten weeks into his term, and after he had sought military support from the USSR, Lumumba was overthrown by Joseph Mobutu. Kabila was appointed to the provincial assembly for North Katanga and was chief of cabinet for Minister of Information Ferdinand Tumba. Over the next few years, he established himself as a supporter of hard-line Lumumbist Prosper Mwamba Ilunga. When the Lumumbists formed the Conseil National de Libération, Kabila was sent to eastern Congo to help organize a revolution, in particular in the Kivu and North Katanga provinces. In 1965, Kabila set up a cross-border rebel operation from Kigoma, Tanzania, across Lake Tanganyika.
Ernest “Che” Guevara assisted Kabila in 1965. “Che” arrived in the Congo with about a 100 Hispanics hoping to spread Cuban-style revolution to Africa. Guevara had a dim view of Kabila as a revolutionary, since Kabila’s main interests were alcohol and sex. “Che” thought that Kabila was the only African he had “genuine qualities of a mass leader”, but criticized his lack of “revolutionary seriousness”..
In 1967, Kabila and his few remaining supporters set up camp in the mountains of the Fizi-Baraka area, and founded the People’s Revolutionary Party (PRP). With the support of Red China, Kabila created a secessionist Marxist state in South Kivu province, west of Lake Tanganyika. The mini-state’s economy was based upon collectivized agriculture, extortion and mineral smuggling. Local national military commanders reportedly traded military supplies in exchange for a cut of the profits from Kabila’s extortion and robbery operations. By the late 1970s and early 1980s, Kabila had amassed considerable wealth and established residences in Dar es Salaam and in Kampala. In Kampala he met Museveni, and Museveni and former Tanzanian dictator Julius Nyerere introduced Kabila to Paul Kagame, who would become president of Rwanda.
Kabila’s PRP-state operations in South Kivu were wound up in 1988, and Kabila was reported as missing, perhaps dead; but in 1996, he again graced the Congo with his presence, leading South Kivan Tutsis against Hutu forces, and beginning of First Congo War. With support from Libya, through Burundi, Uganda and Rwanda, Kabila led the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo-Zaire (ADFL) in rebellion against Mobutu. Mobutu fled into exile in 1997. Kabila then proclaimed himself president, suspended the Constitution, and changed the name of the country from Zaire to Democratic Republic of Congo. As a committed follower of the Elder of Zion Marx, Kabila initiated a capitalist-collectivist regime and immediately got the support of most the west who were backers of his predecessor Mabutu. This angered his friends Uganda and Rwanda and both decided to re-invade Congo to overthrow Kabila by helping renegade rebel  Laurent Nkunda.
Yoweri Museveni, his business and military partners Libya are responsible for millions of deaths, crimes against humanity and war crimes in Eastern Congo. Museveni and his generals were the primary backers of Congolese warlord Jean-Pierre Bemba and the Movement for the Liberation of Congo.
UPDF's Brigadier General Moses Ali, Idi Amin’s right hand man who later became Minister of Internal Affairs, Minister for Disaster Preparedness, and Deputy Prime Minister in the Museveni administration; [2] Museveni’s half-brother Salim Saleh; [3] then Colonel James Kazini; and [4] Dr. Eric Adroma—head of Uganda National Parks. Salim Saleh is perhaps the leading agent of terror in the UPDF Zaire/Congo wars, but both Saleh and Commander James Kazini led UPDF troops involved in war crimes, crimes against humanity, and acts of genocide involving millions of people in Eastern Congo (1996-2007.
Gaddafi seems to get away with everything including murder. It looks like the international community has again forgiven him for his sponsoring of mass murders and international terrorism. What a man he indeed is.
Bamba Mass Human Rights Activist (UK)

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